South Sudan has, in the past, been defined by its conflicts, humanitarian crises and numerous other negative images adopted by successive regimes and governments. Many observers, both domestic and regional, suggest that a once ‘common enemy’ still defines South Sudan’s shaky unity and very little else provides the positive image of a nation at peace with itself. Few will deny that the continued presence of militias or (other armed groups) OAGs, as well as the unfinished business of the CPA, such as Abyei, do not constitute a real threat, but focus has also shifted considerably to domestic challenges.
A dramatic and challenging shift from a military and monolithic political structure to a democratic, pluralistic government and society was under way, emerging from decades of civil war and inter- and intra-communal conflicts, but with little emphasis on nation building. The result of a focus on state-building, on structures, laws and policies, rather than on social relationships among South Sudanese, their leaders and communities, has exposed major gaps in addressing the legacies of war and conflict.
South Sudan’s independence from Sudan has further exacerbated the already belligerent relationship, but also focused attention on internal issues, fault-lines, some long-standing social, political and economic conflicts. It has increased the focus of attention and criticism on the Government of the Republic of South Sudan, as well as the multiple layers of leadership in the new country. With conflict upon conflict, the legacy of destroyed infrastructure (even that built in recent years), unprepared and mostly untrained citizens, among the lowest development indicators in the world, deep-seated anger, trauma and frustrations, have now melded into a most serious set of challenges for South Sudan. Serious inter-communal tensions, mass violence targeting vulnerable populations, a rise in urban and rural criminality, a sense of political uncertainty and competition prompted by divisions within the SPLM, have all led to the major crisis now destabilizing the fragile state.
- –Rehabilitation of youth centers in the country
- –Life skills identification assessment and training (youth and women)
- –Grants and start up kits support to trainees (youth and women)
- –Raising awareness and advocacy on youth & women empowerment
- –Training of partners and community leaders on safer communities’ approach (SCA)
- –Facilitating Community dialogues and consultations
- –Jointly designed and executed community action plan
- –Monitoring and strengthening Safer Communities Committees
- –Participatory identification of vulnerable communities (consultative meetings authorities).
- –Jointly design and execute peace and recovery projects
- –Establishment of protection and peace building committees
- –Training of protection and peace building committees
- –Support to adhoc community dialogues (chiefs, church leaders)
- –Establishment of women’s protection groups to raise women’s concerns with local authorities
- –Training of women protection groups on their roles and protection issues
- –Establish safe meeting space for women and girls through cash for work (CfW) linked to referral pathways
- –Support girls with dignity kits
- –Awareness creation and advocacy on gender based violence (GBV) or related issues
- –Support community action plans through cash for work (CfW) based on participatory community protection assessment
- –Youth Engagement-Potential for sports-e.g. food ball etc.
- –Support local /new markets to reduce protection risk for women and girls.
- –Pilot alternatives cooking fuel sources
- –Fuel efficient stove (youth engagement in cash for work)
- –Assessment of protection gap